Caste massacres show need for land reform
By Ranjit Devraj
NEW DELHI - Yet another caste massacre in India's eastern Bihar state that
left over 30 people dead is a warning to implement long neglected land
reforms in the nation's poorest region, say social scientists.
While political parties accuse each other of secretly backing the rural
militia that carried out the June 17 killings, independent analysts blame
the country's ruling class of ignoring a constitutional duty to lessen
sharp socio-economic imbalances in the feudal countryside. It is the
failure of successive governments to bring about a meaningful
redistribution of land, mostly held by upper caste landlords, that has led
to the emergence of the private rival rural armies that routinely carry
out such killings, they say.
The most notorious of these, the Ranvir Sena, gunned down 34 men, women
and children belonging to lower castes in Aurangabad district last
weekend, despite the presence of a posse of policemen on the spot. The
Sena boldly asserted it had carried out the carnage which it said was in
retaliation for the massacre of 35 Bhumihars (upper caste landlords) in
the region in March last year.
However, a more immediate provocation is said to be the killing of a
13-member Bhumihar family in the district of Nawada in early June by the
dreaded, ultra-left Maoist Communist Center (MCC) that champions the cause
of lower caste peasants.
According to social scientists, the Sena and the MCC are symptoms not only
of the lack of law and order in Bihar, but of failed land reform. The
Ranvir Sena wants to stall land reforms and push the clock back on land
redistribution that has already been carried out by a reluctant state,
says social scientist and expert on Bihar, Arvind N Das. It has been aided
in this by successive rulers of Bihar, a state with nearly 100 million
people that is rated among India's most underdeveloped despite its
abundant natural and mineral wealth.
One of the declared top priorities of India's rulers since freedom from
British colonial rule in 1947 has been to break up large feudal
landholdings and divide the surplus land among the poor. Yet successive
governments have lacked the political courage to do so, say analysts. The
Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) party, which rules Bihar, rose to political
prominence by championing the interests of traditionally repressed lower
castes. But the RJD is also accused of inaction on land reforms and of
covertly supporting the Ranvir Sena.
Das says the massacres have more to do with a sharpening agrarian crisis
than with caste differences. ''The downtrodden are saying no to oppression
and exploitation,'' he says.
Under the Bihar Land Ceiling Act, a rural household cannot hold more than
about seven hectares. But upper castes, specially Bhumihars are known to
own far in excess, says Das. A Bihar government survey after a caste
masssacre last year in Jehanabad district found that most low caste
families there were landless. In contrast, some upper caste landlords were
found holding more than 30 hectares each, even as official records showed
them owning half this.
RJD chief and former Bihar Chief Minister Laloo Prasad Yadav has accused
arch-rival Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's Bharatiya Janata Party of
a hand in the killing. The carnage is meant to give an excuse to the
federal government to invoke special powers to sack the Bihar
administration, the RJD claims.
But, India's main opposition Congress party, without whose legislative
support the Vajpayee government cannot do this, maintains that caste
violence in Bihar is the direct result of long-standing socio-economic
imbalances.
Caste violence in Bihar emerged in the 1960s when the first serious
attempts at land reform in Bihar were made. The Ranvir Sena has massacred
over 500 lower caste peasants since then.
But it met its match in the emergence of armed radical left MCC cadres who
unleashed a similar campaign of terror directed at upper caste landlords.
According to the New York-based Human Rights Watch, a particularly violent
phase of caste violence in Bihar began in the early 1970s with a land-grab
movement backed by left extremists. ''Sharecroppers began harvesting crops
on upper-caste land in Bihar's central districts as Naxalite (extremist)
cadres burnt grain storages and imposed economic blockades on hundreds of
acres of land that landlords forcibly kept them from cultivating,'' notes
the Watch report, Caste Violence Against India's Untouchables.
The state responded with extra-judicial killings of left extremists and
there was evidence to show that the police then colluded with the Ranvir
Sena, adds the 1999 report. One of the reasons for this, says the report,
was that most law enforcers belonged to land-owning castes. Arrested
Ranvir Sena members are known to be quickly freed on bail and no member
has ever been convicted, while the left extremists are regularly
prosecuted and some even sentenced to death, says the report. ''Not only
does the state treat the crimes of the two groups differently, but the
police and local officials openly tolerate the private armies,'' it adds.
In an earlier report, the People's Union for Democratic Rights, an
independent Indian rights group, said the Ranvir Sena not only has the
backing of the ruling classes, but also superior firepower.
This month's massacres was the worst since the killing of 61 Dalits,
placed lowermost in the Hindu caste hierarchy, by the Ranvir Sena at
Lakshmanpur Bathe Village in Jehanabad district in December 1997.