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India/Pakistan
Missile tests raise Pakistan-North Korea link
By Ranjit Devraj
NEW DELHI - Pakistan's latest missile tests have provided India with another opportunity to harp on its neighbor's "clandestine" acquisition of nuclear and missile technology from North Korea.
After Pakistan carried out tests of its medium-range, nuclear-capable
Ghauri and the short-range Ghaznavi ballistic missiles on the weekend, Indian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Nirupama Rao said on Sunday that New Delhi was "not impressed by these missile antics, particularly when all that is demonstrated
is borrowed or imported ability".
He emphasized that the technology used in the missiles was
"clandestinely acquired from other countries, a fact that has been
unearthed by India and extensively documented in research findings by
well-established research institutions and laboratories all over the world".
Defying international calls for restraint amid heightened tension
at the border, Pakistan went ahead with missile tests on Saturday and
Sunday, which political analysts said were aimed at impressing a
domestic audience. And on Tuesday, Pakistan test-fired another short-range missile, the HatfII (Abdali), that is capable of carrying conventional and nuclear warheads into Indian territory.
The nuclear-armed neighbors have between them massed more than
a million troops on their border, along with missile carriers, tanks
and artillery.
In June 1999, following a tipoff, Indian customs at the port of Kandla
in the western state of Gujarat seized the North Korean vessel Ku Wol San bound
for the Pakistani port of Karachi and impounded its cargo, which consisted
largely of missile components and production materials for the Nodong missile
on which the Ghauri is based.
Curiously, the seizure came four months after the US House of
Representatives was told by a veteran expert on strategic affairs,
Richard Armitage, that the best way to tackle North Korean missile exports
was by interdicting them on the high seas, since diplomacy had failed
to contain proliferation by Pyongyang.
Armitage, appointed deputy secretary of state by the new US administration of George W Bush, is set to visit the subcontinent early next month as part of international efforts to defuse a military standoff between India and Pakistan along their 1,800-kilometer border. British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw is on a similar mission, following in the footsteps of senior European Union Foreign Affairs Commissioner Chris Patten last week.
The 1999 seizure at Kandla port led many to believe that Pakistan
had entered into a deal with North Korea to barter its nuclear technology,
miniaturized for use in nuclear missile warheads, in exchange for missile
technology developed by Pyongyang.
Commenting on the alleged barter deal, the South Korean newspaper
Chungang Ilbo then quoted a Defense Ministry official who said that North
Korea was bent on obtaining materials on miniaturized nuclear warhead technology from Pakistan, which tested these devices in 1998.
When Pakistan first test fired the Ghauri in April 1998, it became
apparent to most experts that the missile, with a range of 1,500 kilometers
and capable of carrying a 700-kilogram nuclear warhead, was a clone
of the North Korean Nodong missile.
According to the Federation of American Scientists (FAS), dedicated
to ending the global arms race, the Ghauri missile "appears to be
a derivative of the North Korean Nodong design" and "represents both an
opportunity to use heavier uranium bombs on ballistic missiles as well as
to deliver nuclear warheads to targets across much of India".
India, which first tested a "peaceful" nuclear device as early as 1974,
responded to the testing of the Ghauri by "weaponizing" its capability
and demonstrating it with a series of miniaturized blasts, including
those for "battlefield" warheads the following month.
But India's tests only triggered a series of retaliatory nuclear
tests within days by Pakistan. Relations between the two countries,
which have a half-century-old dispute over the possession of Kashmir,
steadily worsened and erupted into an undeclared but bloody border
in 1999 at Kargil that nearly led to a nuclear exchange.
The international community responded to the tit-for-tat tests by
slapping sanctions and a weapons embargo on both countries, but these were
lifted after September 11 in return for support, particularly from Pakistan, for the US-led war against the jihadi al-Qaeda network based in Afghanistan.
North Korean involvement in Pakistan's nuclear and missile program became known through the mysterious June 1998 murder in Islamabad of Kim Sin-ae, wife of Kang Thae-yun, a key figure in the missiles-for-nuclear-technology deal between Islamabad and Pyongyang. Newspapers cited diplomatic sources as saying that Kim was killed by North Korean agents working at Pakistan's Khan Research Laboratories on suspicion of having provided details of the strategic weapons deals to Western intelligence agencies.
Pakistan has never acknowledged the North Korean link and says its nuclear and missile technologies are completely indigenous. Leading Indian strategic analysts believe that the Pyongyang-Islamabad link has the blessings of China and that both have been working as "proxies" for Beijing's interests in the region.
"Given the primitive technological infrastructure in both countries, only the credulous would believe that both these countries developed their offensive capabilities indigenously or that it is purely accidental that North Korea is the principal tormentor of Japan and Pakistan of India, the other giant of Asia besides China," wrote M D Nalapat in an article for the Washington-based Center for Security Policy.
India's outspoken defense minister, George Fernandes, had publicly said
that India's main concern is China rather than Pakistan and that Beijing
was really the "mother of Pakistan's nuclear bomb".
Not surprisingly, India enthusiastically supported Washington's missile defense system and even offered its strengths in computer software and satellite technology in return for being allowed to enlist in any international system that might afford protection against a nuclear missile attack.
India's strategy may be paying off because in spite of aggressively moving 700,000 troops and armor to the Pakistan border in December, jeopardizing the war against terror in Afghanistan, Washington came through with the sale to New Delhi in April of weapons-locating radar systems over loud protests from Islamabad.
This month, US troops conducted joint exercises with the Indian army aimed at building a capability for coordinated airborne operations.
Washington, which long banned export of space and missile technology
to India under the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), has now offered
support for India's space program, which is closely linked to its
ambitious plan to develop intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs).
India's own indigenously developed space program has progressed
to a point where it exports remote sensing data from a galaxy of satellites
it has launched and has also commercially launched satellites for countries
such as Germany and South Korea on its rockets.
Asked about Islamabad's open violation of the MTCR, Foreign Ministry
spokesperson Rao said, "The actions of Pakistan fit into the international
community's nightmarish scenario of state-sponsored terrorist activities
armed with ballistic technology and nuclear weaponry."
Pakistani President General Pervez Musharraf, for his part, in a televised speech to the nation on Monday said that Pakistan would not initiate war, but it would defend itself if "war was thrust upon it".
(Inter Press Service)
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