Tanaka loses, old-style Japanese politics wins


	February 2, 2002	atimes.com

Japan

Tanaka loses, old-style Japanese politics wins

By Purnendra Jain

The sudden and unceremonious removal of foreign minister Makiko Tanaka reflects deeper political and bureaucratic challenges confronting contemporary Japan. Her ungraceful departure from the ministerial position demonstrates that the key to power and position in Japan still lies in political consensus, backroom negotiations and factional clout. Tanaka's attempt to lock horns with her male colleagues, make the bureaucratic process transparent and challenge the old ways of doing politics in the public arena ultimately became unpalatable even to Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, the self-proclaimed messiah of reform and change in Japan.

Daughter of the late prime minister Kakuei Tanaka, Makiko Tanaka is a high-profile politician in her own right who enjoys exceptionally high popular support, especially among female and young Japanese.

Tanaka is not new to controversy. Both the media and ordinary people in Japan have focused on her ever since she became Japan's first female foreign minister in the Koizumi cabinet, formed after the fall of the unpopular prime minister Yoshiro Mori last April. Although some within the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) opposed Tanaka's appointment, Koizumi displayed his determination and regarded it prudent to give Tanaka the position she wanted. Furthermore, Tanaka was one of the main supporters for Koizumi's bid to the prime ministerial position and his reform agenda. In Koizumi's calculations giving Tanaka a key ministerial position would also enhance his own popularity both within Japan and overseas.

As soon as she assumed her position, she discovered and exposed a number of corrupt practices and wastage of taxpayer's money within her ministry. She wasn't hesitant to bring these to the attention of the media and the taxpayers, which in turn greatly enhanced her public image. She even fired some of the senior diplomats suspected to have been involved in embezzlement of government funds in overseas missions. None of her predecessors dared to take these kinds of actions.

While her intentions and goals were undoubtedly noble, her methods were somewhat crude. She also made some diplomatic blunders. For example, she once refused to meet with US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage. On some occasions she was late for important meetings. Because of such occurrences, many within the ministry and her own political party formed alliances against Tanaka. One of them was Muneo Suzuki, an influential high-profile LDP parliamentarian from Hokkaido who once served as parliamentary vice foreign minister. Suzuki belongs to a powerful LDP faction and has developed a strong network with foreign ministry officials. Although chairman of a lower house parliamentary committee and no longer formally attached with the Foreign Ministry, he was often quoted in the press as interfering in ministry decisions while Tanaka served as foreign minister. Suzuki at times even made derisive remarks and challenged Tanaka's diplomatic art of negotiations with foreign countries.

The prelude to the last scene of the Tanaka drama leading to her dismissal began early last week at the time of the Tokyo international conference on the reconstruction of Afghanistan on January 20-21. Just before the conference, on January 18, the influential Asahi Shinbun newspaper carried a profile of a young non-governmental organization (NGO) leader, Kensuke Onishi of Japan Platform and Peace Winds Japan - NGO groups that were invited to participate in the conference as observers. Although late starters, Japanese NGOs are now becoming increasingly crucial in delivering Japanese aid and humanitarian assistance to overseas destinations. Their role in Kosovo, East Timor and now in Afghanistan has been regarded as essential. Realizing their importance, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has built partnerships with some of these NGOs. Onishi's groups are such partners.

However, in his profile column in Asahi Shinbun, Onishi commented that he did not trust the government and its officials, which touched the raw nerves of some politicians and foreign affairs bureaucrats. The following day the Foreign Ministry advised the two groups that the invitation was withdrawn and they were no longer allowed to attend the conference. No explanation was provided. What was intriguing was that the decision was made without the knowledge of the minister. When Tanaka intervened and pressed the matter, the two NGOs were allowed to participate in the second day of the conference.

The matter did not rest there. Naoto Kan, an influential politician and secretary general of the opposition Democratic Party, pressed Tanaka to go to the heart of the issue and determine why these NGOs were barred from participation without the minister's knowledge. Kan is regarded as a crusader against bureaucratic power and old-style politics. While serving as health minister in 1996, Kan had exposed bureaucratic bungling in relation to blood products tainted with the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), which causes AIDS.

Because of Kan's insistence, Tanaka, Suzuki and administrative vice foreign minister Yoshiji Nogami were called to testify in the Diet in what became an endless "who said what" sitcom. Tanaka claimed that Suzuki had lobbied the Foreign Ministry to bar the two NGOs from participation. But Suzuki dismissed Tanaka's claim, saying she had "a tendency to lie". The top Foreign Ministry bureaucrat, Nogami, also denied Tanaka's claim. Tanaka at a committee meeting had earlier reported that it was Nogami who had informed her of the pressure from Suzuki to bar the two NGOs.

Instead of establishing who was wrong and who was right, Koizumi sacked the entire trio - Tanaka, Suzuki and Nogami - from their positions. But the sacking of Tanaka reveals some deep-seated weaknesses of the political system in Japan that will have implications for Japanese politics for some time to come.

First, politicians and bureaucrats are still not willing to provide space for civic bodies and non-governmental groups to act independently. Most politicians and bureaucrats in Japan prefer only those civic groups that comply with government policy and follow the code of silence. Public criticism of government is not taken kindly in Japan. Second, bold and unconventional ministers such as Tanaka who try to introduce real reform by working in the interest of taxpayers and introducing transparency are still regarded as bad sports. Third, this episode clearly demonstrates how factional heavyweight Suzuki wielded more power and influence within the Foreign Ministry than the minister herself did.

The dismissal of Tanaka does not augur well for the Koizumi government. Various opinion polls after Tanaka's sacking have revealed strong support for her and a steep decline in Koizumi's popular support. This may ultimately lead to the fall of the Koizumi government as the forces within the ruling party opposed to the prime minister's reform agenda will use this to remove Koizumi, whose main strength lies in his high public approval ratings, from his position.

Having been demoralized, Tanaka may also choose to move to the other side of the fence. She already has established a good rapport with opposition leaders such as Naoto Kan. Also, Ichiro Ozawa, a former LDP heavyweight and now the leader of the small Liberal Party, once labeled her a possible future prime minister. Japanese politics will face a major crisis should Tanaka decide to move across to the opposition camp.

Purnendra Jain is a professor with the Center for Asian Studies at Adelaide University in Australia.

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